Une utopie politico-religieuse et sa modernisation lors des élections en pays nantais contemporain : la logique restitutionniste de la noblesse nantaise
Institution:
Paris, EHESSDisciplines:
Directors:
Abstract EN:
Common sense systematizes the locking-up strategy of reactionaries in their past, reified. Without neglecting the socially static strength of the temporal "past future" dualism combined with the "right left" bipolarity, it has seemed relevant to characterize its dynamics. That for, i chose the "loire inferieure" (l-a) as a field, mainly in its rural an catholic part, that tends, at the elections, to confide in the nobility. Especially in the "ancien regime" nobility, at the legislative elections during the iiird rep. . As long as one considers that the concerned people cannot be reduced to "classes-objects", one has to put forward the hypothesis that their repeatead votings for the nobility reveal expectations and hopes. This underlies a retrogressive logic of the restitutionism of the nobility who, in the name of principles of the reinterpretated mediaeval world, contests the present and casts itself on the future. To restore an ol and traditional order in a legal way implies the involvement of the social authorities of the nobility, turning into political enterpreneurs, in the modern electoral game. Or else, to come up to the expectations of the voters, bound to face an everyday life subject to the changes of society, as many reasons that explain that the active rejection of the revolutionary modernity cannot do without a modernization and a euphemization of the utopian aim. The study of first-hand and statistical data produced through the electoral procedure,shows that the restitutionist logic observed holds some "moments" when the political and religious dimensions take it in turns to back the utopia-sation process, making the traditionalisation of the modern plausible ; and the de-utopia-sation of the project, when the elected member tends to become a notable, taking care of a few "established rights", like the private-catholic education. If one can contrast the first period, more political (end of xixth) with the second one, more religious (beg, of xxth) one cannot, though, conclude for the evolution to be linear, as the instauration of vichy corporatism shows.
Abstract FR:
Un certain sens commun systematise la strategie d'enfermement des reactionnaires dans leur passe, reifie. Sans negliger la force socialement statique du dualisme temporel "passe avenir" combine a la bipolarite "droite gauche", il a semble pertinent d'en caracteriser la dynamique. Pour ce faire j'ai choisi le terrain de la loire-inferieure (l. A. ) essentiellement dans sa partie rurale et catholique ayant propension a accorder sa confiance, electoralement, a la noblesse. Particulierement a la noblesse d'ancien regime lors des elections legislatives sous la iiie republique. Si l'on considere que les populations concernees ne se reduisent pas a des "classes-objets" il faut emettre l'hypothese que leurs votes nobiliaires reiteres traduisent une attente, une esperance. Celle-ci sous-tend une logique restitutionniste de la noblesse retrogressive qui, au non des principes de l'univers medieval reinterprete conteste le present et se projette dans l'avenir. Restaurer un ordre ancien et traditionnel de maniere legale implique que les autorites sociales nobilaires jouent le jeu electoral moderne et se muent en entrepreneurs politiques. Autrement dit qu'elles repondent a l'attente d'electeurs confrontes aux exigences d'une vie quotidienne soumise aux transformations de la societe, autant de raisons qui expliquent que le refus actif de la modernite revolutionnaire ne puisse faire l'economie d'une modernisation, d'une euphemisation de la visee utopique. L'etude des ecrits et des donnees statistiques produits par la procedure electorale montre que la logique restitutionniste observee recele des "moments" ou des dimensions politiques et religieuses se relaient dans l'etayement du processus d'utopisation rendant plausible la traditionalisation du moderne; et de desutopisation du projet ou l'elu tend a se notabiliser, a gerer quelques acquis, tel celui de l'enseignement prive-catholique. Si l'on peut opposer une premiere periode plus politique, fin xixe a une deuxieme, plus religieuse debut xxe, on ne saurait pour autant conclure a une evolution lineaire, l'instauration du corporatisme vichyste le demontre.